Term Paper: Conflict Resolution in the Middle

Pages: 20 (8118 words)  ·  Bibliography Sources: 1+  ·  Level: College Senior  ·  Topic: History - Israel  ·  Buy This Paper

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[. . .] The pro-Israel camp has its own lobbies, organizations, think tanks, magazines, support groups, Internet user groups, etc. that strives hard to establish that the Arabs are wrong and they are right. The Israelis pose to be more outstanding in morality than the Arabs. Similarly the lobbies, organizations, think tanks, magazines, support groups, Internet user groups, etc. existing in the side of pro-Arab camps strives hard to establish that the Israelis are wrong and they are right. They also announce in similar fashion that they are morally more upstanding in comparison to the Israelis. Both of the groups are accusing each other labeling allegation that the other is morally deficient, the other is not acting nicely and because of the other that they are not arriving at a conclusion. (Why the Middle East Conflict Continues To Exist)

-- peace initiatives to resolve the conflict

During the post First Gulf War period in 1991 George W. Bush convened the Madrid Peace Conference of 1991 in Madrid, Spain. It has no outcome, however, resulted in a series of confidential meetings between the Israeli and Palestinian negotiators led by Norway. These meetings gave rise to thee Oslo Peace Accords between Palestinians and Israel signed in 1993 by PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin with U.S. President Bill Clinton. A variety of Palestinian views of the peace process existed in the Israeli-Palestinian hostility. Some of the Palestinian leaders perceived that the peace process is directed to attain a permanent solution in the State of Israel; some other are of the view that the objective of the peace process is in total destruction of Israel. (Definition of Israeli: The Peace Process) Even though several contracts were executed with the efforts of the negotiators, the Palestinians constantly visualized their territory to be confiscated along with the illegal construction of the Jewish settlement in the West Bank. They could also visualize that the roads only suitable to the settlers were constructed rapidly in the land of Palestinians. (Will the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Impede the War on Terrorism?)

The peace process became stand still after the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin during 1995. The resident Palestinians of the occupied territories could not visualize the improvement in their living standards. Moreover, the Israeli settlements viewed by the Palestinians as one of the largest impediment to the peace process were not started to be dismantled. Rather their number is considered to have doubled in the West Bank and to add with the suicide bombing attacks from Palestinian militant groups and the following castigatory actions from the Israelis further aggravated the situation. (Definition of Israeli: The Peace Process) To the Israelis the approach to peace should able to fetch not only peace but also security. Besides, the Palestinian revolutionaries hailing from the Islamic organizations like Hamas and Islamic Jihad produced new period of the Palestinian suicide bombers. The terrorist attacks intermittently estimated to have taken heavy toll of Israeli lives during the seven years of peace. This is more than that of the preceding six years of uprising. During 1996, with a week the attacks by suicide terrorists of Hamas and Islamic Jihad resulted in 70 Israeli civilian deaths terrorizing the Israeli people. (Will the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Impede the War on Terrorism?)

A peace summit at Camp David was convened during 2000 by President Clinton with Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. The Israeli Prime Minster claimed to have offered the Palestinians about 95% of the disputed territories simultaneously granting Palestinian sovereignty over the East Jerusalem. This however has no base. The proposal of Barak was to relinquish 69 Jewish settlements which constituted only 10% of the disputed territories along with the Palestinian sovereignty over East Jerusalem. The proposal of the Barak was also to extend temporary Israeli control over another 10% of the West Bank territory that encompasses many Jewish settlements. The proposal for the remaining 80% of the proposed Palestinian West Bank was to split up by Israeli bypass roads and check points that exert restriction for the Palestinians to travel freely throughout their proposed nation and reduce the ability to absorb Palestinian refugees. (Definition of Israeli: The Peace Process)

This offer was bluntly turned down by Arafat and irrespective of the efforts of President Clinton the talks broke down. A new dimension was chalked out by the Israelis at the Taba agreements in January 2001. The proposal instantly demanded removal of 'temporary Israeli controlled areas which was accepted by the Palestinian side as a basis for further negotiations. However, Ehud Barak was unable to present it to the Israeli public due to lack of heart felt support and onset of communal violence in the West bank and he could not even make any counter offers. The talks terminated without any accord and Ariel Sharon, the right wing Likud party candidate was elected as the Prime Minister of Israel in February 2001. With a view to devising plans for mitigation of the Israeli Palestinian hostility in 2002 a summit meeting was held at Beirut in March 2002. According to the foreign minister of Jordan the efforts of Arab in Beirut Summit offered complete peace in the area in conformity to the internationally acknowledged formulation of 'land for peace'- a return to June 4, 1967, borders in exchange for normal relations and a collective peace treaty. (Definition of Israeli: The Peace Process)

The 'Road Map' in 2002 appealed for autonomous actions by the Israel and the Palestinian Authority with hostility issues put off until a rapport can be established. This peace process can be viewed in detail at a later section. The weaknesses of the roadmap insisted upon devising an alternative formula. Deputy Prime Minister of Israel, Ehud Olmert devised a formula demanding unilateral withdrawal from large parts of the West Bank and Gaza strip, discarding some Jewish settlements at the same time annexing some territory. This was regarded by many as a trial balloon. Ariel Sharon in his speech on December 18, allowing the Palestinian Authority a few months to adhere to the roadmap prior to taking up of unilateral steps by the Israel. The speech was vehemently condemned by the government of United States. It has also been warned by United States not to avoid the consequences of the roadmap. The U.S. was in favor of Israelis concern for security and the need for achieving reciprocal concessions in return for the withdrawal.

A team of negotiators under the leadership of Israeli Justice Minister Yossi Beilin and former Palestinian Information Minister Yasser Aded Rabbo formulated another peace approach after clandestine negotiations of two and half years. An unofficial blueprint was signed by both the parties in Geneva on December 1. The Geneva devised the basic structure for resolving the hostility. It is basically similar to the roadmap in terms of its end objectives. However, it adopted a 'big bang' approach of resolving all the big issues at once rather than taking a step-by-step approach. It was vehemently opposed by the Israeli government and many Palestinians with the Palestinian Authority staying non-committal. However, it was highly solicited by many European governments and some significant elements of the Bush Administration including the Secretary of State Collin Powell. (Definition of Israeli: The Peace Process)

Moreover, another strategy was devised by a number of groups inside and outside Israel depicting a 'bi-national solution' that formally annex the Palestinian territories however, making the Palestinian Arabs citizens in a unitary secular state. The suggestions pioneered by Tony Judt, a New York Professor have attracted both favor and condemnations. It was not considered new, since the idea was as old as of 1920s. However, it laid extra emphasis on the population issues in view of the fast growing Arab population in Israel and the territories. This is even supported by some Israeli settler groups visualizing it as a means that could permanently legitimize its claim over the West Bank and Gaza strip. In view of the vast political and demographic concerns attached to it, this is taken to be a highly dubious solution to the problem. (Definition of Israeli: The Peace Process)

-- the role of the United States, EU, UN and Russia in resolving the conflict

The dual direction inherent in U.S. foreign policy over several regions over the periods is viewed as the contradiction of views stemming from the State Department on the one hand and the White House and other parts of the Administration on the other. This state of affairs however is evident in respect of the Israeli-Palestine hostility. The State Department while attempting to direct the foreign policy in a direction taking into consideration at least the parameters of international legitimacy and the views and sensitive matters of foreign states, other departments relied upon other methods regarding their stand as more 'pragmatic' and 'realistic' approach. Since the overall U.S. position was inclined toward Israel, the State Department was made to choose the option of holding an increasingly tenuous line. The American stand on the Occupied… [END OF PREVIEW]

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Conflict Resolution in the Middle.  (2004, October 26).  Retrieved June 17, 2019, from https://www.essaytown.com/subjects/paper/conflict-resolution-middle/763326

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"Conflict Resolution in the Middle."  26 October 2004.  Web.  17 June 2019. <https://www.essaytown.com/subjects/paper/conflict-resolution-middle/763326>.

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"Conflict Resolution in the Middle."  Essaytown.com.  October 26, 2004.  Accessed June 17, 2019.
https://www.essaytown.com/subjects/paper/conflict-resolution-middle/763326.