Germany West East Term Paper

Pages: 10 (2655 words)  ·  Bibliography Sources: 10  ·  File: .docx  ·  Level: College Senior  ·  Topic: Government

SAMPLE EXCERPT . . .
9

In building the Weimar Triangle, Germany is engaging in what has traditionally been NATO. NATO has traditionally been perceived as a community of states where the cooperation is based upon the respect of the fundamental values of democracy and market economy. This is increasingly a cornerstone of Poland's Western European Union (WEU) efforts with its partners such as Germany and France.

As long as Western countries respect the fundamental concept of Europe's integration, that is of democracy and free markets, they can count on the Poles to climb on board efforts to extend Western efforts (German and French) influence there.10

The new politics in Europe is being played out in the East. However, it is a continually more marginalized game that Germany is playing, even with an Eastern partner such as Poland. As Manuela Scheuermann She comments that "'multilateralism' includes all sorts of inter-national hierarchic and non-hierarchic constellations apart from unilateralism and bilateralism: the structural dependency within the Warsaw Pact is per definition as multilateral as the collaboration of the Triple Entente the marginally institutionalised Weimar Triangle or the highly institutionalised co-operation in the EU as a system sui generis.

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"11 In other words, the favorite ability of Brussels and Berlin to build a multilateral consensus is limited in Eastern Europe, even with attempts by Poland to court and bring in the Russians into multilateral coalitions. It appears that without the old cooperation of the U.S., these attempts bear little fruit, even after the damage to U.S. reputations in the wake of the Second Gulf War.

Term Paper on Germany West East in the Assignment

The question then for the future of cooperation efforts is how to foster this spirit of cooperation. Certainly, the more Germany engages in efforts for the multilateral promotion of democracy and market economies, it will succeed and have support from most corners. If it attempts to dominate, then these efforts will fail. This is why scholars such as Cornelius Adebahr praise and point to these points which have been highlighted at the summit conferences and press conferences of the Weimar Triangle nations. Their efforts to engage and attract Eastern European nations voluntarily and on an equal basis should resonate well in the long-run with nations like Russia if they feel that democracy and free market principles will be respected and maintained. At the April 2010 summit in Bonn, Germany, the three nations attempted to carry this forward in the security sphere. Certainly, the efforts can not succeed without the efforts of countries such as Britain as well. However, with Britain and other such countries being in a budget crisis currently, the efforts of other nations to bolster their defense efforts should sell well as long as it does not debilitate the NATO alliance. While multilateral initiatives are not NATO per se, they have the potential to become europeanized at a later stage when circumstances make it necessary.11

Conclusion:

As we have seen throughout this essay, Germany is in the center of Europe. It sees itself as a crossroads and seeks to function that way. When it cooperates with other nations in the true spirit of multilateralism such as is seen in the workings of the Weimar triangle, it has some success. When it tries to dominate as it did in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, it fails. The European Union now encompasses too many nations for any one state to dominate, let alone control, economically or otherwise. As long as it acts multilaterally, respecting the sovereignty of other states and promotes democracy and free-market capitalism, it will thrive and grow well in the new Europe that is growing out of the old tyranny. There will be bumps and setbacks, but on the whole few would have thought that Europe could have come as far as it has as a united entity. Germany has been an integral part of that growth and will likely continue into the foreseeable future. Without it, it is not likely that East and West will successfully connect.

References

Adebahr, Cornelius. The Comprehensive Approach to Crisis Management in a Concerted Weimar

Effort. Genshagen: Genshagen Foundation, 2011. 1-18.

"Berlin's European Recession." German-foreign-policy.. German-foreign-policy., 16 March 2012. Web.

22 Mar 2012.
PHPSESSID=b4a28qcjbg7no885r9j1ej70b1>.

Conversi, Daniele. German-bashing and the breakup of Yugoslavia. Seattle, WA: Henry M. Jackson

School of International Studies,, 1998.

Crawford, Beverley. Power and German Foreign Policy: Embedded Hegemony in Europe (New

Perspectives in German Studies) . 1st ed. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.

Erb, Scott. German foreign policy: navigating a new era. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers,

2003.

Freudenstein, Roland. "Poland, Germany and the EU." International Affairs. 74.1 (1998): --?

. Print.

Kempe, Iris. From a European Neighborhood Policy toward a New Ostpolitik -- The Potential Impact

of German Policy. Munich: Center for Applied Policy Research (C AP, 2006.

Martinsen, Kaare Dahl. "The End of the Affair? Germany's Relationship with France." German

Politics. 14.4 (2005): 401 -- 416. Print.

"Merkel says Eurozone's sovereign debt crisis will take years to resolve." Finfacts.ie. Finfacts.ie, 02

December 2011. Web. 22 Mar 2012.

.

Ochmann, Cornelius. The New EU. The Consequences of the Polish EU Presidency. Berlin:

Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012.

Scheuermann, M. (2011). Effective or multilateral? The UN-EU partnership in military crisis management. Leicestershire: Loughborough University. pp. 2-27

Sebe, Mihai. The Weimar Triangle - Between a moderate regional success and an uncertain future.

Where Does It Come From? What Is It? Where Is It Going?*. Bucharest: Civitas Politics Blog,

2001. Print. .

Solak, Janusz. "Poland Vis-A-Vis The West European Union and European Military Tools."

Strategic Impact. 1. (2007): 32-36. Print.

1 "Meriel says Eurozone's sovereign debt crisis will take years to resolve." Finfacts.ie. Finfacts.ie, 02 December 2011. .

2 "Berlin's European Recession." German-foreign-policy.. German-foreign-policy., 16 March 2012. .

3 Daniele.Conversi. German-bashing and the breakup of Yugoslavia. (Seattle, WA: Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies, 1998), 54.

4 Iris Kempe. From a European Neighborhood Policy toward a New Ostpolitik -- The Potential Impact of German Policy. (Munich: Center for Applied Policy Research, 2006), 8.

5 Beverley Crawford. Power and German Foreign Policy: Embedded Hegemony in Europe (New Perspectives in German Studies) . 1st ed. (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 1-2.

6 Scott Erb. German foreign policy: navigating a new era. (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003), 111-118.

7 Kaare Dahl Martinsen. 1996. "The End of the Affair? Germany's Relationship with France." German Politics. 14.4, 401 -- 402.

8 Roland Freudenstein. 1998. "Poland, Germany and the EU." International Affairs. 74.1,?

-- 42.

9 Mihai Sebe. The Weimar Triangle - Between a moderate regional success and an uncertain future. Where Does It Come From? What Is It? Where Is It Going?*. (Bucharest: Civitas Politics Blog, 2001), 1-5.

10 Solak, Janusz. 2007. "Poland Vis-A-Vis The West European Union and European Military Tools." Strategic Impact. 1, 34-35.

11 Scheuermann, M. Effective or multilateral? The UN-EU partnership in military crisis management. (Leicestershire: Loughborough University 2011), 4-6.

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