Term Paper: Hamas Often When People Think

Pages: 10 (3845 words)  ·  Bibliography Sources: 10  ·  Level: College Senior  ·  Topic: History - Israel  ·  Buy This Paper


[. . .] The International Court did rule that some of Israel's purposed wall location were beyond jurisdiction and that those areas would have to be rerouted (Jones 2009).

The Israeli courts have done everything to ensure that their government is not doing anything illegal. In fact, in the case of Mara'abe v. The Prime Minister of Israel, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that a portion of intended fence in the northern West Bank violated international humanitarian law and ordered the government to reroute the section (Watson 2006,-page 895). This expanded on an earlier court decision, Beit Sourik Village Council v. Israel, in which the Israeli Supreme Court which also demanded rerouting of a segment of fence which was deemed in violation of humanitarian law.

The government of Israel has been doing everything in their power to ensure that none of the activities of the Security Barrier planning are unlawful. For each segment of the wall where those indigenous peoples take issue, the Israeli government has pledged to consider relocation before final erection. President Barak stated that the desires of the natural population nor the decision of one segment:

Does not obligate the Supreme Court of Israel to rule that each and every segment of the fence violates international law. The Israeli Court shall continue to examine each of the segments of the fence, as they are brought for its decision...; it shall ask itself, regarding each and every segment, whether it represents a proportional balance between the security-military need and the rights of the local population (Watson 2006,-page 899).

As with any controversial issue, each side of the story has a different perspective and viewpoint as to what the wall represents. In the book Bridging the Barrier: Israeli Unilateral Disengagement, Tami Jacoby (2007) writes:

This structure has been both celebrated as a panacea for Israeli national security and condemned as an oppressive extension of Israeli occupation over Palestinian territories. Advocates refer to it as Israel's anti-terrorist fence, a seam zone, a defensive measure, a passive structure that saves lives by separating Israel from the Palestinians and significantly reducing the number of suicide terrorist attacks against Israeli citizens. Palestinians refer in Arabic to "jidar al-fasl al-'unsuri" (racist segregation wall). Other critics call it an apartheid wall, a prison wall, a wall of shame, a form of collective punishment, a catastrophe that annexes territory to the State of Israel, separating Palestinians from each other, and confining them into cantons and enclaves to the detriment of their individual freedoms and prospects for national self-determination (page 1).

Opponents of the Security Barrier have accused the builders of using the fence to make a final break between Israeli citizens and people they consider undesirables.

One of the major points of contention regarding the nation of Israel has always been the holy cities of Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Because this land has so much importance to a large group of peoples, there have been strong attempts to keep these locations as neutral as is possible in such a politically-charged area of the world. There is no way to erect a Security Barrier without somehow impacting these religiously-significant areas. Consequently, at least some part of the city of Jerusalem will have to be annexed and cordoned off in order to erect the Security Fence in that area (Baskin 2002,-page 10).

Propaganda against the erection of the security fence portrays the structure as a thick, high hunk of concrete. However, the actual fence is mostly electrically-charged chain link and barbed wire. The few places where concrete are employed are locations where terrorists snipers tend to shoot at cars. The high concrete walls in these places prohibit attacks from being an issue. These walls and protect those individuals who are travelling on the streets. Tami Jacoby (2007) writes:

Roughly 96% of the barrier is in the form of a "multi-layered composite" between 40 to 80 meters wide depending on topography and comprised of four elements: (1) a ditch and pyramid shaped stack of six coils of barbed wire on the east side, along with barbed wire only on the west side, (2) a patrol path on both sides for IDF and border police, (3) an intrusion-detection fence in the middle with sensors to warn the command post with online data from the various observation systems and devices of any incursion on each and every sector, and (4) a dirt road covered by sand that is raked daily to detect crossings. The remaining 4% of the separation barrier is a wall built from concrete slabs, each weighing 17 tons and measuring eight meters in height and one meter in width" (page 26).

Those who oppose the erection of the Security Barrier express a singular opinion, that Israeli is using a label of security in order to claim lands that they are not entitled to. It is important to note that most sources that make this claim also are biased against the nation of Israel and favor the creation of a complete Palestinian state in lands currently belonging to Israel. This is not the case. However, these oppositions do make a point. The barrier, although not intended to make a political statement beyond the aforementioned need to create security between the governments, has come to take on a secondary significance in the Middle East. According to Clive Jones (2009), "In Israel's case, the barrier has come to perform a secondary role: shaping the internal contours of identity politics within the Jewish state" (page 10). This has been of major importance in the disputes of the country, the question of identification and nationality.

It has long been the Palestinian position that the State of Israel and the citizens of that nation are enemies to Palestine. The purpose of their government has been to instill anti-Israeli propaganda not only in the minds of their own citizens, but in the media as well. Lloyd Cohen (2005) writes:

Another theme of the Arab apologists is that the terrorism is a legitimate response to Israel's egregious treatment of Arabs under its rule. In the Arab press and elsewhere there is often an attempt to draw offensive parallels between Israeli treatment of Arabs and Nazi treatment of Jews. If this parallel were even remotely accurate and were recognized and shared policy of the Israeli people then extreme Arab violence would earn a measure of excuse, even justification, in the Western mind (page 756).

This propaganda has been accepted in many parts of the world. This is evidenced by how much anti-Israeli and anti-Security Barrier literature is available and easily accessible to the world population.

Many claim that the Security Fence will retard Palestinian attempts to gain sovereignty. However, this is also an untrue claim. In reality, the Security Barrier separates the two landscapes and will actually provide more opportunity for Palestine to gain autonomy (Gavrilis 2004,-page 9). With the Israeli population separated and the government concerned with their citizens, the Palestinian government can take greater leadership of its own people. "Senior Israeli security officers hope that, by removing the constraints of military occupation, the barrier will prod Palestinian leaders to focus on routine elements of state building such as general law and order as well as the provision of public goods" (Gavrilis 2004,-page 11). Israel is making concessions in order to appease the Palestinians, but that side has continued to look at the situation as Israeli continuing to oppress an undeserving group.

Part of the discourse between opponents and proponents of the Security Fence has been the question of population percentages in the State of Israel. Opponents have stated that part of the decision to separate Palestinians from the Israeli population is the population growth of the former in comparison with the latter. Projected percentage growth shows that the Arab portions of the country are increasing in population at a much faster rate than the Israeli side, which would eventually lead to governmental disputes in elections when the Jewish population is outnumbered. According to sources:

The rate of natural increase among the Muslim-Palestinian sector (of the population in Israel and the Occupied Territories is estimated at 3.5-4% per year: 3/5% among the Arabs of Israel and Judea and Samaria (the West Bank), and 4.5% among the Bedouins and in the Gaza Strip (thereby doubling these populations in 15-17 years time). This is the highest rate of natural increase in the world… In contrast, the rate of natural increase of the Jewish population of Israel is 1% per year; if we add to this the growth of the Jewish population through aliyah (migration to Israel) then together the Jewish growth rate is 2%... Against this background of gaps and polarization between the two societies, and explosion may be expected as a result, among other things, of an overflow of the Arabs of Judea and Samaria into the Jewish areas (Jones 2009,-page 11).

With non-Jewish… [END OF PREVIEW]

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Hamas Often When People Think.  (2011, October 23).  Retrieved June 19, 2019, from https://www.essaytown.com/subjects/paper/hamas-often-people-think/2322996

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