Management of Technology in Developing Peer Reviewed Journal

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Even after a country has taken steps to overcome these impediments, it may still find itself unable to effectively implement its industrial development policies or enjoy the benefits of globalization. This may be due to a group of impediments collectively referred to as "exogenous variables" in Table 1.1. These are "external" factors over which the country has no direct and effective control (Chua, 2010). The sources of exogenous variables are many and varied. As I have discussed, for weak states they may be associated with internal discord and the inability of the government to hold the country together let alone implement industrial development policies. They may be caused by acts of God, as often happens with small island and coastal states that periodically suffer from massive floods (for example, Bangladesh, India, Mozambique), hurricanes and typhoons (for example, the Caribbean), earthquakes (for example, Turkey), droughts (for example, Ethiopia), land slides (for example, Venezuela), or diseases such as HIV / AIDS or Ebola (Bhatt, 2009).

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Exogenous variables also include changes going on elsewhere in the world that have profound effects on the fortunes or misfortunes of other countries. These may be technological, economic, political, or sociocultural changes (Carneiro, 2000). For example, changes in technology that makes it possible for the world to produce cheaper and almost equally attractive synthetic products have profound negative effects on producers of natural products (OECD, 2002). Recent examples include wool (for example, Australia), leather (for example, the Middle East), ivory (for example, Africa), hardwood (for example, Ghana, Brazil, Indonesia), cotton (for example, Egypt), and rugs (for example, Iran) (Zhao & Xie, 2007). When this happens, the affected country needs to make immediate and fundamental changes to its industrial development policies and strategies. Technologically advanced countries with strong economies and institutional capacities can make these changes in a relatively short period of time with minimal adverse effects to the majority of the citizens (Bhatt, 2009).

Peer Reviewed Journal on Management of Technology in Developing Assignment

This is what happened, for example, when Switzerland lost world leadership in the production and marketing of watches to the Japanese when they invented digital and more functional watches. But the Swiss economy did not collapse. The affected watch-making firms and communities either adjusted to the new technological changes by producing and marketing watches that would compete with the Japanese or simply exited from the industry and invested in other sectors of the economy. Unfortunately, firms and communities in developing countries have very limited resources and capacities to make the necessary adjustments to technological change (Abou-Zeid, 2002).

Difficulties and Challenges of Technology Management in Iran

Even though the majority current problems of Iran's management of technology are common in other first world countries, particularly oil rich ones, a few of them are well-known, such as the ones detailed below:

Non-endogenous requirements and assets of management of technology system

In first world countries, to deliver a market requirement typically a new technology and innovation is initiated, which needs investment from study to manufacturing stages, the funding gains earnings in return for advertising the new products and this cycle is endlessly repetitive (Skyrme, 1999). In countries like Iran, a market requirement is created after monitoring foreign products rather than on the foundation of local demands, and as a consequence importing foreign technology is unavoidable (Bender & Fish, 2008; Sveiby et. al 2001). In view of the fact that the imported technology in the majority cases is not located on a suitable seat, it compels large extra costs and requires the ability to compete with foreign merchandises. So venture capital investments in such technologies are not cost-effective and government has to be paid the necessary capital from oil funds (Bhatt, 2009). In such circumstances, researching activities are presently ornamental and have no connection to the real needs of the industry. The following diagram shows the difference:

Fig. 1.1

Opportunities for Developing Countries

In the context of globalization, developing countries have the opportunity, responsibility, and challenge to reform and restructure their health services sector to make them efficient, effective, affordable, responsive, and universally accessible. More important, globalization provides these countries the opportunity to rethink their national strategies for industrial development and international trade (Carneiro, 2000). As a labor-intensive industry, health services offer developing countries opportunities to develop and sustain new areas of global competitiveness. It is also relatively easy and manageable to access the global economy and global society. Investing in health is an effective avenue to poverty alleviation (Sveiby et. al 2001). Trading in health services provides poor countries and their governments the resources they need to improve health services for all and raise overall standards of living through quality international trade. To develop successful export strategies, health services operators must benefit from optimal use of forward and backward linkages between domestic production and the foreign markets of health-care services (Davenport & Prusak, 1998; Sveiby & Simons, 2002).

Modes of Trade in Health Services

There are four modes of trade available to countries wishing to trade in health services (Sveiby & Simons, 2002): movement of natural persons, movement of consumers, establishing commercial operations, and cross-border trade. Each of these modes offers different opportunities and challenges to different countries and their current and future potentials for developing countries (Bender & Fish, 2008).

Movement of Natural Persons

This is the temporary movement of health services personnel from one country to another to work as health services providers. It is facilitated by the fact that health care is labor intensive, some countries experience labor shortages, and the training of medical and health personnel is based on universal scientific knowledge, making it possible, for example, for Indian- or Nigerian-trained personnel to work in Germany or the United States with a minimum of reorientation or retraining (Skyrme, 1999). Health-care professionals seek employment abroad for a variety of reasons, including better working conditions, opportunities for professional development, and exposure to new technologies not readily available in their home country. They may also be part of the national strategy for international cooperation and global trade. The movement of health-care professionals can remove shortages in the receiving countries, and remittances can improve the standard of living in the countries of origin (Davenport & Prusak, 1998).

This mode of trade in health services is particularly attractive to developing countries. The most sought-after professionals are doctors and nurses. It is estimated that on a global scale more than 68% of all migrating physicians are from developing countries (Bhatt, 2009). Asia provides the greatest number of health-care professionals to the rest of the world. For example, India uses the category of service providers working abroad as the most important mode of trade in health services. More than 50% of Indian doctors trained abroad do not return, and in the mid-1990s, there were more than 60,000 doctors of Indian origin working in the United Kingdom and 35,000 in the United States (Nonaka & Takeuchi, 2005).

China has used this mode since the early 1950s, sending doctors and other medical personnel to developing countries in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America as part of its Cold War foreign policy and international cooperation. In 1993, China had medical teams working in more than forty countries (Beveren, 2002). The top-five recipients of Chinese medical teams were Algeria, Yemen, Tunisia, Morocco, and Tanzania. In more than thirty years, China had sent more than 15,000 medical personnel providing both Chinese traditional medicine (CTM) and Western medicine. China, like Cuba, sends doctors, pharmacists, and nurses abroad. Increasingly, the dispatch of these medical teams to developing countries has become part of trade in medical services (Carneiro, 2000).

More recently, the international movement of health service professionals has become more dynamic and complex, not limited to developing countries alone. For example, the United Kingdom exports junior nurses to the United States and imports them from Commonwealth countries such as Nigeria (Nonaka & Takeuchi, 2005). South Africa loses doctors and other internationally qualified professionals to the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and the United States but imports them from sub-Saharan African countries and Cuba. Therefore, for many of these countries, the outflow of nationals should be compensated by the inflow of foreigners (Bhatt, 2001).

Unfortunately, there are winners and losers in the health services trade using the movement of natural persons. Winners are countries that organize the movement of health professionals such that they create export earnings and ensure that the personnel return to their home countries with better skills, knowledge, and experience. Cuba and China have been particularly successful at doing both, in part because the movement of persons is strictly controlled by the state (Chua, 2010; Nonaka & Nishiguchi, 2001). The lowest-income countries are among the losers, suffering from a net brain drain because they have very limited capacity to import and retain highly qualified health professionals. In India, the shortage of state-of -- the art medical equipment and infrastructure may explain why medical doctors choose to remain abroad. South Africa is also increasingly… [END OF PREVIEW] . . . READ MORE

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