Essay: National Interest as a Key

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[. . .] Hence, such condition debilitates a country's stance of negotiations with its peers; therefore political figures should not indulge in political leaning when formulating a national interest strategy or a foreign policy.

In an investigation conducted by Gowa (1998, 321), on the implementation of American armed forces in foreign territories, has asserts that a country's status relating to its utilization of armed influence overseas is a vital constituent of its national security. Because status can diminish swiftly, endeavours to manoeuvre the implementation of force overseas for short-run aims can impose hefty long-term costs. Hence, when the subject of national security crops up then there is a phenomenon of, tactical political leaning cessation (Gowa, 1998, 307).

A couple of focal schemes are implemented to explicate the deviations in the foreign policy and national interest by the systemic realist assumption; intimidation and the kind of subject at hand. In a condition of an intimidation imposed by an exterior force, political figures who might usually contend to each other's opinions and stances will cease the political leaning to coalesce to tackle an opposition. This coalesce forms due to these rationales; foremost, in the condition of an exterior intimidation constituents of the Congress. This is usually the case when the Congress discerns that they are not adequately informed analogous to the president and there is inevitability for drastic measures, hence they incline to adjourn to the president (Wildavsky, 1966). Secondly, an exterior intimidation spawns a collaborative reaction. Moreover, as the exterior intimidation becomes crystal clear, interior lucidity escalates and foreign policy bilateral political leaning becomes imminent (Souva, 2005).

International system helps in coping up with the threats that occur from the external party. There is a dispute among the structural analysts that bipolar foreign policy system is more passive than a multipolar system. The reason of bipolar system being more passive is that it leads to low chances of having miscalculations regarding the potential of other countries. Moreover, there are fewer ambiguities in bipolarity and threats can be identified easily by which economies can determine probability of threat and the required foreign policy to avoid war. Another reason of bipolarity being peaceful is that it is easier as simplicity leads to certainty and certainty encourages peace (Mearsheimer, 1990, 17). A bipolar international system does not need more support as compared to a multi-polar system as it can run without much adherent behavior. As the threats can be easily identified by using the bipolar international system, it is perceived by the Americans that the troublesome issues and the political concerns by the followers are set aside for the concern of the national interest and harmony in foreign affairs and this belief was deteriorated by the decreased Soviet threat (Mearsheimer, 2001).

United States having control over the world comes up with the consideration of taking unipolar as the more appropriate system after the fall of Soviet Union. With this situation the affect of the threat perception in unipolar system on the leading economy is also highlighted.

Threats by third parties are stricken by the changes that occur in the defense expenditures (see, e.g. Prins & Marshall, 2001) which in turn largely impact the national interests of the country. It is also pointed out that a threat received while war time is expected, however it is not less than a shock in times of peace and harmony. Similarly, the expenses done on defense sector are more in times of war. However, when more spending is done in the defense sector during peace shows a concern and prevention for hard times as nation seeks and demands security, which is another big issue that both national interest and foreign policy cover (as highlighted before). It is shown by the water's-edge perspective that the people who join together for security purposes are expected to join hands in any unfavorable situation (Souva, 2005).

Another risky issue in water's-edge perspective is that of low voting rate for the national interest polices because of the security issues and it leads to higher bipartisan in the foreign policy. Moreover, there are various views regarding the politics with having national interest and love for the country. This leads to silent partisan and differences in the ideologies of states (McCormick & Wittkopf, 1992, 32).

This being the main reason has led leaders to differentiate various issues regarding foreign policy. Meernik (1993) categorizes foreign policy votes in three forms which are foreign aid, international strategies for economic growth, and all national interest issues. Further, Prins and Marshall (2001) classify foreign policy votes in three types as trade, foreign aid, and all other national interest issues like security. Among these three types trade and foreign aid are different as they cover issues of low politics whereas other national interest issues cover concerns related to high internal politics. This seems to be reliable with the argument of water's edge as the empirical researches cater the issues occurred. According to both Meernik (1993) and Prins and Marshall (2001) there is more partisan seen among foreign aid and trade votes as compared to other foreign policy votes. Moreover, McCormick and Wittkopf (1992, 49) figure outs that the issues of high internal politics extract higher bipartisanship as various foreign policy issues are catered by high internal politics i.e. national interest. It is thus concluded that other foreign policy issues are more partisan and high internal politics issues are less partisan as derived by the theoretical and empirical researches (Souva, 2005).

There are differences in the high and low internal politics which are divergent from the hypothesis of the two-presidencies. The two-presidency hypothesis is based on the assumption that more support is given to president by Congress on foreign policies rather than domestic policies (Wildavsky, 1966). The hypothesis is varied in two perspectives, one, as that of the category of interest called as test category. This category is concerned with the issues of high internal politics like issues of foreign policy as generalized by systemic realists. The two-presidency hypothesis considers test group as having issues of foreign and defense policies, both driven by the national interests. Another point is brought forward regarding the two-presidencies hypothesis that it does not caters a wider part (Meernik, 1993; Prins & Marshall, 2001) or only caters and provides support to the Republican presidents as stated by Bond and Fleisher in the 1990 study. As it is derived from the water's-edge perspective that foreign policy receives less bipartisan support as in low internal politics and high internal politics obtain more bipartisan support. It seems to be true according to the latest researches conducted which addressed the issues occurred with high and low internal politics (True, 2004).

A National Interest Model of Foreign Policy Voting

A number of studies conducted on the aim of politicians have been reviewed and it can be derived from the national interest argument of international relations that the main purpose of politicians is to conquer and keep hold of the office. There are different meanings of this term 'office' and specifically in the democratic state it means to get hold of the government and bureau and striving for the overall welfare of the society. It is concluded that water edge does not end the connection between the people and politicians. Moreover, there are various models of foreign policy and among them the congressional foreign policy literature derives the two concepts as the opinion and views of the public (which is understood to be the core of all national interest policies) and the other one is of the governing body (Souva, 2005).

The perspective of a common man is one of the most influential aspects. According to (Miller & Stokes, 1963, 50), an electorate association works in only two ways while permitting the will of the common man to influence the representative's actions. Initially, a locality elects their legislature or simply they select a person to represent them who has the same vision. Secondly, congressmen are very reproachful when going forward with any action because of the pressure of the public. Congressmen, although not bound to follow the opinion of the general public, do contemplate the impact of their actions on the general public (Miller & Stokes, 1963, 54). The exercising of monetary restrictions is just an instructive case in point. These monetary sanctions/restrictions are just a tool to soothe the general public rather than any tactical objective (Lindsay, 1986; Kaempfer & Lowenberg, 1992). Additionally, given that the common man would always rather prefer any means of resolution but a forceful military action (Jentleson & Britton, 1998), the rulers of any country would want to find out the prevailing opinion of the public before any military action. Even though the general public is more likely to avoid any use of forceful military action or at the maximum keep it as a last resort. The American public might bear with it, when they feel that the use of military force is required to deal… [END OF PREVIEW]

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National Interest as a Key.  (2011, March 29).  Retrieved July 15, 2019, from

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"National Interest as a Key."  29 March 2011.  Web.  15 July 2019. <>.

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"National Interest as a Key."  March 29, 2011.  Accessed July 15, 2019.