Article: Slavery and Citizenship in Aristotle

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[. . .] Comment by patrick: However, it is also my view that these inconsistencies are only apparent and that they vanish with consideration of A's natural teleology. Comment by patrick: Almost all commentators have read the term "natural" to mean "native" with the suggestion of slavery as congenital or genetic. Comment by patrick: Such a translation overlooks entirely the teleological signifiance of the term "physei." Comment by patrick: A's ostensible incoherence is merely apparent. It is introduced into the material by the readers, the same readers who do not appeciate the contextual significance of A's teleology. [13: Dobbs, D. (1994). Natural Right and the Problem of Aristotle's Defense of Slavery. The Journal Of Politics, Vol. 56, No.1.] [14: Maritain, Jacques. 1943. The Rights of Man and Natural Law. New York: Scribner's.]

One can easily understand that the slaves are not born but rather made once one reads the Aristotle's defense of natural slavery in its teleological context and fully understands the term physei. Slavishness; so strong that it seems like it a second nature can be instilled in people someone through because of the persistent manipulation of a dysfunctional culture. All the freedom of access to the human telos is stopped due to this second nature. As a result the protection of the capacity ofprotecting the slave's capacity to share in telos solely depends on his being a member of this dictatorial partnership. Also, according to Aristotle, you can identify a slave as your property but only if you don't think of him them as a tool of production or as and think of them as but as a human being who deserves carehumans., Tthis point-of-view of Aristotle is very understandable (Mulgan, 1977)[footnoteRef:15]. Comment by patrick: This is so ambiguous that it is almost imposible to tell what it means. My guess: the protection of slaves in their telos depends upon his being….[But this seems illogical now.] Comment by patrick: Ambiguous [15: Mulgan, R.G. 1977. Aristotle's Political Theory. Oxford: Clarendon Press.]

Therefore, if one carefully read Aristotle's account of natural slavery one will see that it's very justly devised and also, that it provides us with solid basis on which one can condemn the actions of any tyrinical government justice should be done to the slaves and condemns from involving in the practices that would result in injustice done to the slaves and also abuse and cruelty meted to slaves (Mulgan, 1977)[footnoteRef:16]. Comment by patrick: This is ambiguous. Guess: If carefully read, A's account is logically compelling as well as a basis for the just treatment of slaves. [16: Ibid 14]

Aristotle philosophy on citizenship and slavery

Politics I that is associateddeals with the justice and hierarchy's nature, in regards to this reading sounds hardly like a wrong start to theand is the perfect place to start political association of Aristotle's comprehension of politics. Several very important questions have been asked by Aristotle regarding slavery in the context of politics. Against the people who consider that Aristotle's account of nature in his political and ethical writings was very equivocal and questionable and also, against the people who think that his writings were very straightforward and fixed (Annas 1993, 146)[footnoteRef:17], but in my opinion and I would show you as well that his writings on nature were actually complex, metaphysical, vibrant, psychological and incorporated. Comment by patrick: Deeply ambiguous. Guess: A raises a number of questions regarding slavery in the context of politics. Comment by patrick: Scholars, both those who find A's politics and ethics equivocal and those who find them unproblematic, overlook the real complexity and dynamism (psychological and metaphysical) of them. [17: Annas, Julia. 1996. "Aristotle on Human Nature and Political Virtue." The Review of Metaphysics 49: 731-53.]

The discussion done by Aristotle's discussion on the natural slaves has a lot of may include a number of inconsistencyies however in it but in no way is it should not be simply dismissed as an incoherent document (Smith 1991).[footnoteRef:18] Similarly, one should also avoid calling his account as or to settle it into "obvious as well as noncontroversial" suggestions. In my opinion the vagueness that can be found here and in other natural scientific, ethical and opinionated writings of Aristotle, if properly read are actually the representation of people with the human nature who change over that transforms with time and also act according to the situations. Comment by patrick: A's discussion of the natural slave…. Comment by patrick: In my ears this sound like self-contradiction. What does it mean to be self-inconsistent but coherent? [18: Smith, Nicholas. 1991. "Aristotle's Theory of Natural Slavery." In David Keyt and Fred Miller, eds. A Companion to Aristotle's Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Pp. 142-55.]

The first portion of this essay is about the discussions done by Aristotle on citizenship and slavery, this portion is about the citizenship and slavery in order for relationship between the human nature and activity to develop. The second portion of the essay talks about Aristotle's philosophical way of treatmenting nature in order to understand how he categorically separated necessity from nature. In the last portion of the essay I have formulated some instructions for the politics as well as interpreted the treatment of Aristotle towards certain foreigners (Dobbs, 1994). Comment by patrick: This isn't where such a section belongs. Guess: The essay begins with a consideration of A's views on the subjects of citizenship and slavery. It then takes these same subjects and treats them in terms of A's reflections on nature. Finally, it points the way to a different reading of the politics and of A's attitude toward foreigners.

When Like Aristotle asks has asked in the beginning of Politics III about someone qualifying as a citizen or who is indeed a citizen, it is just like asking someone about his identity or the nature of a citizen. In the case of Aristotle, his asking this question -- ; who is a citizen? -- , basically means that he is trying to ask what are the merits for getting the political advantages or goods of a citizenship or who have the right to be a citizen and who don't. The response to this question is given by Aristotle in the way that; the things that won't qualify someone for a citizenship: not blood, or birth, or ancestry (Pol. 1275b32-34)[footnoteRef:19]; not location, nor the capability to sue and to be sued, or place (Pol. 1275a7-11)[footnoteRef:20]. But in fact a citizen is the one who takes interest and is involved in declaring and judging (Pol. 1275a22-23)[footnoteRef:21], a person who plays a part in the legal and deliberative offices of a polity (Pol. 1275b18-20)[footnoteRef:22] and one who rules and is also ruled (Pol. 1277b13-16)[footnoteRef:23]. In Aristotle's point-of-view the place [of what?], parentage, birth and legal capacity-(as it has been statistically qualified)- do not demonstrate [citizenship?]. Even though slight differences may be there in the formulation that is approved by Aristotle but what they have in common is the emphasis on the activity: Iin Malcolm Schofield's (1999, 144-49)[footnoteRef:24] the phrase "Sharing in a constitution," qualifies a person for citizenship (Dobbs, 1994). Comment by patrick: Extremely hard t oread. Guess: A is trying to determine the advantages that accrue to the citizen and who has the right to become one. Comment by patrick: A first considers those things that disqualify one for citizenship. These are [now list them in parallel fashion] Comment by patrick: He then considers those attributes that characterize the citizen positively: [list these] Comment by patrick: Guess: These different elements share one feature -- the emphasis on activity. Comment by patrick: period Comment by ali atta: This quote was taken from Dobb. Comment by patrick: Schofield's phrase? If so, it is "sharing" or "[s]haring." No comma. Why cite Dobbs to cite Schofield? [19: Ibid 8] [20: Ibid 8] [21: Ibid 8] [22: Ibid 8] [23: Ibid 8] [24: Schofield, Malcolm. 1999. "Equality and Hierarchy in Aristotle's Thought." In Saving the City: Philosopher-Kings and Other Classical Paradigms. New York: Routledge. Pp.100-114.]

The importance that Aristotle has given to activity and the way that he has emphasized on it has a peculiarly self-contained and repetitive quality. Ist seems like while practicing citizenship what Aristotle is saying is that make someone a citizen: A "citizen becomes a citizen when he acts like a citizen" (Winthrop 1975, 407)[footnoteRef:25]. Comment by patrick: Diction: self-contained? Comment by patrick: Guess: It seems A is saying that practicing citizenship makes one a citizen. [This is hardly surprising given the centrality of activity in A generally.] Comment by patrick: I think it would be better to quote Aristotle here. [25: Winthrop, Delba. 1975. "Aristotle and Political Responsibility." Political Theory 3:406-22.]

According to Aristotle says, in doing, "the end never can be separate from the overall act" (NE 1140b6)[footnoteRef:26]. Echein is found in entelecheia, activity or energeia and is intended at -- an end or telos-in, en, itself (Meta. 1050a23-24)[footnoteRef:27].… [END OF PREVIEW]

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Slavery and Citizenship in Aristotle.  (2011, June 20).  Retrieved March 26, 2019, from

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